Posts Tagged ‘law’

Sports, Violence, and Law: A Case Study in Ethical Relativism

With the story of a junior ice hockey player elbowing an opposing player, causing the victim on-ice convulsions as a result of a traumatic brain injury (not to mention a few missing teeth), it was inevitable that violence in sports — and, in particular, ice hockey — would again become headline material.  The immediate result of the infraction, as expected, is that the offending player has been suspended indefinitely.  Some administrators, players, and fans, however, seem to think that a league suspension is not enough, going to far as to expect — or even demand — criminal charges be brought on the offender.  While there’s little doubt that such an offense in everyday life would result in a criminal investigation, violent acts in sports are often seen as untouchable to and even made permissible by law.  Thus, in my opinion, there’s no better example of ethical relativism in mainstream society than the acceptance of violence in sports.

Ethical relativism is the philosophical concept which states that “different groups of people have different moral standards for evaluating acts as right or wrong.”  Even more interesting to me is the fact that ethical relativism can also be found within the same group of people.  That is, in my example above, in general western society sees fighting as unethical and illegal, and yet violence in sports is not only tolerated but, in some cases, encouraged or is the main action within that sport.  The venue and purpose determines whether the action is ethical.  That is the very underlying principle behind ethical relativism: the same action, under different circumstances, is viewed differently in terms of morality.

Bringing law into the picture makes ethical relativism and violence in sports a much trickier issue.  In some sports, violence is the single principle in the sport.  In boxing, for example, two consenting people engage in fisticuffs while others watch for entertainment.  However, if two consenting people fight outside of, say, a bar (regardless of the level of intoxication), it’s likely those two people would be arrested and booked in jail, with further punishment being adjudicated by the judicial system.  We could say the same for almost any other professional sport, too: ice hockey has fights every game, but the penalty is simply five minutes in the penalty box.  Baseball, basketball, and football all have the occasional fight, but the penalties are generally in the thrown-out-of-the-game to suspension range.  Regardless, in each of these cases the violent actions are tolerated on some level, and criminal investigations never come into play.

The question, then, is whether what happens within a sport should be considered outside of the law and outside of normal ethics (although some disagree), as is often the case.  Violent penalties in ice hockey, such as slashing, kneeing, elbowing, roughing, and fighting are policed within the game.  While some could say that the intent is what could trigger outside investigation and action, hockey has a penalty for that, too: “intent to injure,” which would, in everyday law, be called “assault.”  The same could be said for baseball, for example when a pitcher throws the ball at a batter or when the base runner intentionally runs into or “spikes” an opponent.  Should every intent to injure penalty therefore be investigated as a criminal action?  It does seems to satisfy all three of the requirements for determining criminal action: ability, opportunity, and intent to commit the action.

Some cases have been investigated as criminal action.  In 2004, then-Vancouver Canucks player Todd Bertuzzi punched opponent Steve Moore in the side of the head and landed on him, along with other players, resulting in a broken neck, concussion, damage to ligaments and nerves, and facial lacerations for Moore.  Bertuzzi then found himself in criminal court, eventually pleading guilty to assault and was sentenced simply to probation, 80 hours of community service, and couldn’t play against Moore.  Moore, since the incident, has never again been able to play hockey.  Meanwhile, Bertuzzi has amassed over 300 penalty minutes, most of which it can be assumed were for violent actions.  As the terms of his probation have apparently been met satisfactorily, it seems that the courts have chosen to be blind to the vast majority of violent actions within sports.

I don’t know what the answer is for the dichotomy between lawful and unlawful in terms of violence in sports, but I do believe it is a slippery slope should the courts become involved again with actions within a sport.  While I might not personally agree with violence in sports, despite being involved in them more than a few times, myself, the involvement of the courts seems to be almost completely arbitrary considering the violent actions which are willfully ignored.  Unless laws and normal ethics are applied to the actions within sports, the courts seem to have little precedence on which to rely when adjudicating in-game violent actions and determining adequate punishment.  Unless the judicial system is willing to adjudicate all actions within sports the same as those that are outside of sports, they should leave adjudication where it belongs: the civil courts.

As an aside, and perhaps the topic of a future post, I wonder why the same relativism also seems to hold true for doping in sports. Criminal investigation has largely been contained to investigation of doctors and trainers for the dispensing of controlled substances, and much less against the players who have admitted using them for illegal purposes.  It too is an interesting case of dichotomy between what we as society see as unethical and illegal (the taking of controlled substances for uses other than their legal intentions) and permissible (since the taking of controlled substances resulted in more public entertainment).

The Psychology of Speeding

The latest report on speeding-related traffic accidents isn’t a good one for those with a lead foot: there was a “3.2 percent increase in deaths because of higher speed limits on all types of roads in the United States” between 1995 and 2005.   That doesn’t sound like a whole lot until you look at the actual figure of fatalities in crashes due to excessive speeding, which is the cause of nearly 1/3 of all fatal accidents, in those years: 12,545.  The important issues, really, are what goes into determining and enforcing speed limits, the underlying psychology of why people drive the way they do, and using those two factors determine a way to decrease accidents and fatalities.

There are various factors that are used to determine speed limits, but the general ones include:

  • 85th percentile speed (PDF): this is defined as being the speed that 85% of motorists go on the road, separating them from the top 15%.  This is a reactive system: it’s simply based on the theory that there is better compliance of speed limits if the majority of people are bound to go that particular speed.  This procedure is usually found in determining speed limits on highways in the United States;
  • Design speed (PDF): This determines the speed limit as per the safety of the road using factors such as curves, hills, bottlenecks, or other parts of the road.  These generally aren’t changed unless the road itself changes, so this procedure is generally used for first-time highways (where the 85th percentile speed cannot yet be determined) and side/back roads;
  • Crash records;
  • Political or administrative judgment.

So given the 85th percentile rule and assuming that it has determined an appropriate and effective speed limit for those roads, what psychology underlies the other 15% who are chronic speeders?  I have a 3-part ordered theory called the “Three Cs Theory” that I believe determines one’s mode of driving on any given road:

  1. Circumstance
  2. Conditioning
  3. Comfort

The first is circumstance.  In circumstances such as an emergency, weather conditions, being late for an appointment, or being agitated or influenced by other drivers, one’s driving can certainly be impacted to be different than that of the general state in which they drive.  That, above all, influences one’s driving.

Take away the circumstance, though, a person will then resort to driving how they are conditioned.  For example, should a driver know that speed traps are often seen near a particular overpass, he or she will likely slow down or drive more safely than otherwise.  The driver has been conditioned to know to slow down or else he or she may get a ticket.

Now that the two overt factors influencing a diver’s state have been explained, the third “c” represents every driver’s underlying, unadulterated psychology while driving: comfort.  A driver who is comfortable driving 50 mph on a particular road will, when uninfluenced, probably go 50 mph.  Likewise, a driver who is comfortable going 80 mph in the rain on a highway will probably, when uninfluenced, go 80 mph.  That is where I believe the drivers in the 15% can be found.

This theory fits in reasonably well with the 85th percentile speed method as long as there aren’t any extraneous influences which affect the driving.  The question, then, becomes if our current methodology is appropriate.  Some factors that may help in determining the efficacy of a speed limit is the amount and severity of crashes, adherence to the speed limit by drivers, and the level of speeding tolerance by law enforcement.

While the 85th percentile speed method then appears appropriate since that is where most people are comfortable, what can be done to counter the increase in accidents and fatalities?  I believe it’s reasonable, given the aforementioned factors, to place our focus and efforts in improving road planning and engineering in an attempt at finding an equilibrium of sorts between the 85th percentile speed and design speed.  If we can engineer our roads to meet the design speed specifications that complement the 85th percentile speed comfort, and increase conditioning by law enforcement-derived deterrence in areas where infractions and accidents continue, I believe we will find a sharp decrease in accidents and fatalities on those roads.

Taxing the Rich as an Undue Burden

With a massive health care bill (PDF) being pushed through the American legislature, the big question pops up again and again: who will pay for it?   And that’s a fair question that has many complex answers.  An often-raised solution by President Barack Obama and Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius would be to tax the rich, particularly those who are making over $280,000 (individuals) and $350,000 per year (couples).  But in addition to several objections to this idea, I argue that this sort of taxation on a section of population is an undue burden.

Most often applied to cases of disability or abortion, “undue burden,” as defined by Justice John Paul Stevens (PDF) in the aforementioned abortion case, means “[a] burden may be ‘undue’ either because [it] is too severe or because it lacks a legitimate, rational justification.”  In the case of taxation, I argue that “undue burden” can applied to taxes that are unjustifiably levied upon individuals who have little to do with the reason for the tax.  In this example, I take the rich, who are often looked upon as the answer to our government’s fiscal needs.

In addition to many other great reasons we shouldn’t tax the rich for health care, I believe additionally taxing them to generate the funds for national health care would be an undue burden.  The first reason I would argue this is because the rich have nothing to do with the state of our health care system, as they are able to afford the best health care, even at rates lower than those of people who earn less.  Instead, the causes of the downfall of our health care system include “the 15 most expensive health conditions account for 44 percent of total health care expenses” (AHRQ) and prescription drugs and technology.  If the rich are able to pay for their own health care, then why should they be taxed additionally in order to pay for others’ health care?  This doesn’t offer any solutions; it merely puts a band-aid (no pun intended) on the problem, which leads to my second point.

I further argue that as long as additional taxes are concentrated on the rich, the economy will further collapse from the bottom-up.  If the rich are taxed so much that they become the “new middle class,” they have less to invest in solidified and entrepreneurial businesses.  With less investment and capital, businesses are able to produce less, and thereby the unemployment rate raises.  This is the last thing we need in the current economy.

Instead of a surtax on the rich or even taxing health benefits, as is proposed by many in legislature (but Obama is rightly adamantly against), I suggest that taxes first be increased on businesses that contribute to and exasperate the causes of the need for health care, including restaurant chains, energy and chemical producers, and other vice-related businesses.  As many of our leading chronic diseases are preventable (such as much of heart disease, asthma, lung cancer, and strokes), I argue that we should then pay for the causes of such diseases with the corporations responsible for them.  For example, I would first levy additional taxes on:

  • Chain restaurants (franchises and owners of over 3 restaurants) and food producing businesses (and their consumers) that have menus/products which include transfat or excessive per-serving or per-item calories and fat.
  • Tax cap and trade (emissions trading) and companies who partake in the trading, in addition to an inherent tax on being a company which necessitates the cap and trade policy.
  • Further tax alcohol and tobacco-related products both on the corporate and individual level, as has been done previously to pay for health-related coverage.
  • Roll-back tax-exemption for non-profit organizations.

Instead of taxing a portion of our population who has done nothing to warrant further taxation, we should put the responsibility of paying for detrimental health-related outcomes on the corporations which provide the products and the consumers who use the products.  By taxing the rich for outcomes for which they have little responsibility, I believe it’s an undue burden to that segment of the population, regardless of their means and ability to pay for such an expenditure.

Driving a Hard Bargain

Ask anyone who’s received a ticket, and you’ll hear one persistent excuse: “They just do it to make money.”  Being familiar with law enforcement, in my experience this excuse couldn’t be further from the truth.  In the vast majority of cases, officers only pull over offenders who either grossly endangering themselves or others, or they believe the offender may have other infractions with which they can also charge him or her.  But that doesn’t make the excuses go away.  In fact, some other departments and organizations have supported them.

The Governors Highway Safety Association says,

Addressing other misperceptions, Hunter said, “We don’t have quotas. That’s always been a big debate. No, we don’t. It doesn’t happen that way for us. (But) we expect troopers to work.”

State troopers go where the problems are, she said. “People think we’re making money, but what we’re doing is responding to the calls of the citizens.”

Meanwhile, however, the same article states, “A speeding survey by the Governors Highway Safety Association found that 40 state police departments or highway patrols, including Washington’s, issued more than 8.1 million citations for speeding in 2003, generating as much as $2.3 billion in revenue.”

And that’s a lot of money.

Government representatives aren’t helping the misconception, either.  As this article by MSN Money states,

“It is primarily a tool in many communities to raise revenue,” Louisiana state Rep. Hollis Downs, who represents two parishes in north-central Louisiana, says of the town’s aggressive traffic enforcement — what others might call speed traps.

But considering the retributivism rate of “minor” traffic offenses, it appears that this type of penalty has lost its effect.  I’d like to propose another procedure.

Countering the public’s oft-used excuse, I’d like to institute a penalty of time and education as opposed to monetary-based consequences on first-time minor traffic offenses.  What I propose includes the following: simply, the penalty of a first-time minor traffic offense would be an hour-long video educating the offenders of the further consequences of continuing such behavior.

For example, I’d like to include a section of the video entitled, “Is it worth it?”  I came up with a rather basic equation that tells you exactly how much time you save, or lack thereof, by speeding.  By using the equation:

image009

where d is the distance traveled in miles, v is the velocity of the vehicle in miles-per-hour, and t is the time in hours it takes to traverse the distance at that particular velocity. In order to find the time in minutes, which is more appropriate in the case of everyday travel, you simply take the variable t and multiply it by 60.

By simply showing and explaining this equation with some everyday situations, the viewers will see that excessively speeding — or even speeding at all — truly has little effect on the time it takes to traverse typical distances.  For example, according to this poll by ABC News some years ago,

Life for commuters can be heaven or hell. They report an average one-way commute time of 26 minutes (over an average distance of 16 miles).

So let’s use an example of 16 miles as the typical everyday drive, and we’ll use a velocity of 55 miles per hour:

image017Which is 17 minutes, 30 seconds.

Compare that to speeding 15 miles-per-hour over the speed limit, which may qualify for more than a simple speeding infraction:

image023Which is 13 minutes, 42 seconds.

So by putting your own life and others’ lives in danger, you only accomplish decreasing your travel time by a bit less than 4 minutes.

The main form of punishment in this case may very well not even be the education, but rather that it takes time to complete, even if it’s just an hour.  Paying a speeding ticket or simply paying a lawyer to “fix” the ticket isn’t really that much of an inconvenience, with exception to the pocketbook.  But to take time away from the individual might encourage him or her not to do it again, and subsequent punishments would include explicit monetary damages, as well.

I truly believe that creating this educational procedure would at least somewhat encourage the offenders to reconsider their actions while simultaneously giving the public a chance to understand that tickets aren’t given out as a form of revenue but rather as a punishment and deterrent.